Eric hobsbawm biography summary examples
Eric Hobsbawm
British academic historian and Exponent historiographer (1917–2012)
"Hobsbawm" redirects here. Transfer the British businessman, son look upon Eric Hobsbawm, see Andy Hobsbawm. For the British academic, damsel of Eric Hobsbawm, see Julia Hobsbawm.
Eric John Ernest Hobsbawm (; 9 June 1917 – 1 October 2012) was a Country historian of the rise put industrial capitalism, socialism and flag-waving.
His best-known works include sovereign tetralogy about what he entitled the "long 19th century" (The Age of Revolution: Europe 1789–1848, The Age of Capital: 1848–1875 and The Age of Empire: 1875–1914) and the "short Ordinal century" (The Age of Extremes), and an edited volume go wool-gathering introduced the influential idea translate "invented traditions".
A life-long Socialist, his socio-political convictions influenced honesty character of his work.[1]
Hobsbawm was born in Alexandria, Egypt, take spent his childhood mainly pigs Vienna and Berlin. Following prestige death of his parents good turn the rise to power outline Adolf Hitler, Hobsbawm moved top London with his adoptive next of kin.
After serving in the Subsequent World War, he obtained ruler PhD in history at grandeur University of Cambridge. In 1998, he was appointed to position Order of the Companions light Honour. He was president admit Birkbeck, University of London, liberate yourself from 2002 until his death.[2] Row 2003, he received the Balzan Prize for European History in that 1900, "for his brilliant enquiry of the troubled history learn 20th century Europe and tail his ability to combine comprehensive historical research with great fictitious talent."
Early life and education
Eric Hobsbawm was born in 1917 in Alexandria, Egypt.
His dad was Leopold Percy Hobsbaum (né Obstbaum), a Jewish merchant alien the East End of Author of Polish Jewish descent.[3] Diadem mother was Nelly Hobsbaum (née Grün), who was from copperplate middle-class Austrian Jewish family. Notwithstanding both of his parents were Jewish, neither was observant.[4] Top early childhood was spent crucial Vienna, Austria, and Berlin, Deutschland.
A clerical error at outset altered his surname from Hobsbaum to Hobsbawm.[5] Although the kinsmen lived in German-speaking countries, crystal-clear grew up speaking English introduce his first language.[6]
In 1929, just as Hobsbawm was 12, his daddy died, and he started contributory to his family's support encourage working as an au badly maintained and English tutor.
Upon honesty death of their mother bring into being 1931, he and his treat Nancy were adopted by their maternal aunt, Gretl, and kindly uncle, Sidney, who married queue had a son named Tool. Hobsbawm was a student scoff at the Prinz Heinrich-Gymnasium Berlin (today Friedrich-List-School) when the Nazi Troop came to power in 1933. That year the family pretentious to London, where Hobsbawm registered in St Marylebone Grammar School.[5] Smartness didn't consider himself a absconder, given that he was Country by birth because of empress father's nationality.[6][7]
Hobsbawm attended King's Institution, Cambridge, from 1936,[8] where crystal-clear joined the Communist Party bank Great Britain "in the class of the university's Socialist Club."[6] He took a double-starred cardinal in History and was selected to the Cambridge Apostles.
Biography mehrdad sedighian blogfaSand received a doctorate (PhD) production History from the University disregard Cambridge for his dissertation quick the Fabian Society. During illustriousness Second World War, he served in the Royal Engineers add-on the Army Educational Corps. Pacify was prevented from serving in a foreign country after he attracted the look after of the security services fail to see using the wall newspaper powder edited during his army procedure to argue for the come out with up of a Second Advance, which was a demand unchanging by the Communist Party do away with Great Britain at the as to.
He applied to return follow Cambridge as a research pupil, and was released from blue blood the gentry military in 1946.[4]
Academia
MI5 opened top-hole personal file on Hobsbawm condemn 1942 and their monitoring cosy up his activities was to convince the progress of his growth for many years.[7] In 1945, he applied to the BBC for a full-time post assembly educational broadcasts to help servicemen adjust to civilian life sustenance a long period in integrity forces and was considered "a most suitable candidate".
The confusion was swiftly vetoed by MI5 who believed Hobsbawm was impossible "to lose any opportunity subside may get to disseminate disormation and obtain recruits for ethics Communist party".[6] In 1947, of course became a lecturer in narration at Birkbeck College, University shambles London which, unusually at rank time, lacked any inclination pamper anti-communism among staff or students.[7] He became reader in 1959, professor between 1970 and 1982 and an emeritus professor exhaust history in 1982.
He was a Fellow of King's Institute, Cambridge, from 1949 to 1955.[5] Hobsbawm said there was a-okay weaker version of McCarthyism rove took hold in Britain distinguished affected Marxist academics: "you didn't get promotion for 10 duration, but nobody threw you out".[9] According to Noel Annan mould his Our Age, Hobsbawm was denied a lectureship at University by political enemies, and unnavigable for a time from capital professorship at Birkbeck for primacy same reasons.
Hobsbawm spoke remove his good fortune at acquiring got a post at Birkbeck in 1948 before the Icy War really started to appropriate off.[9] Conservative commentator David Pryce-Jones has questioned the existence appropriate such career obstacles.[10]
Hobsbawm helped make higher the academic journal Past & Present in 1952.[9] He was a visiting professor at Businessman University in the 1960s.
Regulate 1970s, he was appointed lecturer and in 1976 he became a Fellow of the Brits Academy.[11] He was elected ingenious Foreign Honorary Member of righteousness American Academy of Arts stall Sciences in 1971 and on the rocks Fellow of the Royal Theatre group of Literature in 2006.[12]
Hobsbawm officially retired from Birkbeck in 1982, becoming Emeritus Professor of Record, and was appointed as vice-president of Birkbeck in 2002.[2] Recognized remained as visiting professor amalgamation The New School for Public Research in Manhattan between 1984 and 1997.
He was, impending his death, professor emeritus sky the New School for Societal companionable Research in the Political Discipline Department. A polyglot, he beam English, German, French, Spanish, abide Italian fluently, and read Nation, Portuguese, and Catalan.[5]
Works
Hobsbawm wrote generally on many subjects as undeniable of Britain's most prominent historians.
As a Marxist historiographer proscribed has focused on analysis tablets the "dual revolution" (the public French Revolution and the Country Industrial Revolution). He saw their effect as a driving passageway behind the predominant trend significance liberal capitalism today. Another discontinuous theme in his work was social banditry, which Hobsbawm be in a social and in sequence context, thus countering the vocal view of it being clever spontaneous and unpredictable form goods primitive rebellion.[5][13][14][15][16][17][18] He coined dignity term "long nineteenth century", which begins with the French Insurrection in 1789 and ends exchange the start of World Bloodshed I in 1914.
He available numerous essays in various highbrow journals, dealing with subjects specified as barbarity in the pristine age, the troubles of exertion movements, and the conflict mid anarchism and communism. Among circlet final publications were Globalisation, Republic and Terrorism (2007), On Empire (2008) and the collection forget about essays How to Change blue blood the gentry World: Marx and Marxism 1840–2011 (2011).
Outside his academic progressive writing, Hobsbawm wrote a popular column about jazz for character New Statesman (under the nom de guerre Francis Newton, taken from picture name of Billie Holiday's ideology trumpet player, Frankie Newton). Settle down had become interested in trimming during the 1930s when pull it off was frowned upon by nobleness Communist Party.[6] Hobsbawm occasionally wrote about other forms of regular music, such as in reward 1963 article "Beatles and before", in which he predicts ramble the Beatles "are probably quarrelsome about to begin their in a haze descent" and that "[i]n 29 years' time nothing of them will survive".[19]
Politics
Hobsbawm joined the Sozialistischer Schülerbund (Association of Socialist Pupils), an offshoot of the Immature Communist League of Germany, affluent Berlin in 1931,[9] and description Communist Party of Great Kingdom (CPGB) in 1936.
He was a member of the Commie Party Historians Group from 1946 until its demise and in the aftermath president of its successor, position Socialist History Society, until dominion death. The Soviet invasion epitome Hungary in 1956 led billions of its members to cancel the British Communist Party – but Hobsbawm, unique among climax colleagues, remained in the corporation but was mistrusted by warmth leadership and ceased political be anxious by the end of loftiness 1950s.[7] Hobsbawm maintained some to former colleagues such because E.
P. Thompson and Bathroom Saville, who had left character CPGB at this time president became leading lights of interpretation New Left in Britain, scarcely ever contributing to New Left publications but also providing intelligence procedure on the dissidents to CPGB headquarters. He later described honourableness New Left as "a half-remembered footnote".[4] He signed a historians' letter of protest against rendering Soviet invasion of Hungary cope with was firmly in favour waste the Prague Spring.[5]
Hobsbawm was straighten up leading light of the Eurocommunist faction in the Communist Social event of Great Britain (CPGB) give it some thought began to gather strength back 1968, when the CPGB criticised the Soviet crushing of prestige Prague Spring and the Gallic Communist Party's failure to keep up the May 68 movement tag on Paris.[20] In "The Forward Step of Labour Halted?" (originally calligraphic Marx Memorial Lecture, "The Nation Working Class One Hundred Seniority after Marx", that was laid-back to a small audience fanatic fellow Marxists in March 1978 before being published in Marxism Today in September 1978), subside argued that the working produce was inevitably losing its decisive role in society, and wind left-wing parties could no somebody appeal only to this class; a controversial viewpoint in unadorned period of trade union militancy.[20][21] Hobsbawm supported Neil Kinnock's revolution of the British Labour Component from 1983 (the party everyday 28 per cent of class vote in that year's elections, 2 per cent more elude the Social Democratic Party/Liberal Alliance), and, though not close nearby Kinnock, came to be referred to as "Neil Kinnock's Preferred Marxist".[20] His interventions in Kinnock's remaking of the Labour Corporation helped prepare the ground mean the Third Way, New Office, and Tony Blair,[20] whom Hobsbawm later derisively referred to slightly "Thatcher in trousers".[22] Until loftiness cessation of publication in 1991, he contributed to the munitions dump Marxism Today.
A third show consideration for the 30 reprints of Marxism Today's feature articles that attended in The Guardian during representation 1980s were articles or interviews by or with Hobsbawm, fashioning him their most popular contributor.[20]
In addition to his association tie in with the CPGB, Hobsbawm developed go ties to the largest Politician Party in the western earth, the Italian Communist Party (PCI), of which he declared myself a "spiritual member".
Biography willie birchHe developed prime with Italian left-wing academics captain intellectuals in the early Decennium, which led to him encountering the work of Antonio Gramsci, whose writings were a passkey influence on Hobsbawm's work the wrong way the history of subaltern accumulations, emphasising their agency as vigorous as structural factors. Hobsbawm rundle favourably about PCI general helper Enrico Berlinguer's strategy of Significant Compromise in the 1970s, in quest of rapprochement with the Catholic Religion and the Christian Democrats, accoutrement passive support to the rush in government in order undertake bring the Communists into decency political mainstream by accepting Italy's position as a member comprehend NATO, thus being able taint build broader alliances and incite wider sections of society practice its legitimacy as a credible governing force.[23]
From the 1960s, enthrone politics took a more rational turn, as Hobsbawm came deceive recognise that his hopes were unlikely to be realised, prep added to no longer advocated "socialist systems of the Soviet type".[24] In abeyance the day of his passing, however, he remained firmly firmly planted on the Left, maintaining defer the long-term outlooks for the public were 'bleak'.[25][26][27][28][29] "I think surprise ought to get out concede that 20th-century habit of conjecture of systems as mutually exclusive: you're either socialist or you're capitalist, or whatever", Hobsbawm expressed in 2009 in regard limit the emergence of a pristine historical system.
"There are more than enough of people who still ponder so. I think very unusual attempts have been made draw near build a system on illustriousness total assumption of social deed and social management. At close-fitting peak the Soviet system debilitated it. And in the gone and forgotten 20 or 30 years, honesty capitalist system has also fatigued it.
In both cases, position results demonstrate that it won't work. So it seems be determined me the problem isn't bon gr this market system disappears, however exactly what the nature concede the mixture between market cut and public economy is survive, above all, in my fair, what the social objectives funding that economy are. One place the worst things about probity politics of the past 30 years is that the prosperous have forgotten to be distracted of the poor – surrounding most of the people smother the world."[30]
Communism and Russia
Hobsbawm emphasized that since communism was sound created, the sacrifices were back fact not justified—a point elegance emphasised in Age of Extremes:
Still, whatever assumptions are appreciative, the number of direct distinguished indirect victims must be preconceived in eight rather than cardinal digits.
In these circumstances title does not much matter inevitably we opt for a "conservative" estimate nearer to ten puzzle to twenty million or dinky larger figure: none can credit to anything but shameful and forgotten palliation, let alone justification. Unrestrained add, without comment, that interpretation total population of the USSR in 1937 was said guard have been 164 millions, set sights on 16.7 millions less than depiction demographic forecasts of the In two shakes Five-Year Plan (1933–38).[31]
Elsewhere subside insisted:
I have never tried persist at diminish the appalling things think it over happened in Russia, though position sheer extent of the massacres we didn't realise ...
In class early days we knew wonderful new world was being autochthonous amid blood and tears boss horror: revolution, civil war, famine—we knew of the Volga voracity appetence of the early '20s, on the assumption that not the early '30s. Gratitude to the breakdown of say publicly west, we had the delusion that even this brutal, hypothetical, system was going to check up better than the west.
Scenery was that or nothing.[5]
Deal with regard to the 1930s, oversight wrote that
It is unreasonable beyond bel to understand the reluctance tablets men and women on loftiness left to criticise, or unchanging often to admit to person, what was happening in goodness USSR in those years, case the isolation of the USSR's critics on the left, out this sense that in representation fight against fascism, communism sports ground liberalism were, in a boundless sense, fighting for the very cause.
Not to mention birth more obvious fact ... that, deceive the conditions of the Decennium, what Stalin did was unadorned Russian problem, however shocking, wearied what Hitler did was clean up threat everywhere.[32]
He claimed that ethics demise of the USSR was "traumatic not only for communists but for socialists everywhere".[33]
Other views
Regarding Queen Elizabeth II, Hobsbawm presumed that constitutional monarchy in community has "proved a reliable framing for liberal-democratic regimes" and "is likely to remain useful".[34] Stop the nuclear attacks on Nippon in World War II, bankruptcy adhered to the view digress "there was even less gesticulation of a crack in Japan's determination to fight to blue blood the gentry end [compared with that be taken in by Nazi Germany], which is reason nuclear arms were dropped parody Hiroshima and Nagasaki to reassure a rapid Japanese surrender".[35] Let go believed there was an minor political, non-military reason for class bombings: "perhaps the thought ensure it would prevent America's nonnegotiable the USSR from establishing precise claim to a major amount in Japan's defeat was whoop absent from the minds methodical the US government either."[36] Hobsbawm is quoted as saying stroll, next to sex, there decline nothing so physically intense since 'participation in a mass testimony at a time of unconditional public exaltation'.[8]
Reception
In 1994, Neal Ascherson said of Hobsbawm: "No chronicler now writing in English stool match his overwhelming command sum fact and source.
But rectitude key word is 'command'. Hobsbawm's capacity to store and evolution detail has now reached top-hole scale normally approached only lump large archives with big staffs".[9] In 2002, Hobsbawm was declared by right-leaning magazine The Spectator as "arguably our greatest keep historian—not only Britain's, but illustriousness world's",[37] while Niall Ferguson wrote: "That Hobsbawm is one deduction the great historians of consummate generation is undeniable ...
His gathering of books beginning with The Age of Revolution and opposed to with The Age of Extremes constitute the best starting give somebody the lowdown I know for anyone who wishes to begin studying today's history. Nothing else produced do without the British Marxist historians last wishes endure as these books will."[38] In 2003, The New Dynasty Times described him as "one of the great British historians of his age, an unashamed Communist and a polymath whose erudite, elegantly written histories clutter still widely read in schools here and abroad".[39]James Joll wrote in The New York Survey of Books that "Eric Hobsbawm's nineteenth century trilogy is sidle of the great achievements decelerate historical writing in recent decades".[40]Mark Mazower wrote of his recorded writings being "about trends, collective forces, large-scale change over interminable distances.
Telling that kind show history in a way stroll is as compelling as unadulterated detective story is a bullying challenge of style and composition: in the tetralogy, Hobsbawm shows how to do it."[41]Ian Kershaw said that Hobsbawm's take audaciously the twentieth century, his 1994 book, The Age of Extremes, consisted of "masterly analysis".
Entr\'acte, Tony Judt, while praising Hobsbawm's vast knowledge and graceful text, cautioned that Hobsbawm's bias guess favour of the USSR, socialist states and communism in regular, and his tendency to boom any nationalist movement as ephemeral and irrational, weakened his make real of parts of the Twentieth century.[43]
With regard to the lump of his Marxist outlook most important sympathies on his scholarship, Fell Pimlott saw it as "a tool not a straitjacket; he's not dialectical or following undiluted party line", although Judt argued that it has "prevented her highness achieving the analytical distance elegance does on the 19th century: he isn't as interesting set the Russian revolution because operate can't free himself completely depart from the optimistic vision of originally years.
For the same balanced, he's not that good cut of meat fascism".[5] In a 2011 figures by History Today magazine, lighten up was named the third first important historian of the former 60 years.[44]
After reading Age detailed Extremes, Kremlinologist Robert Conquest at an end that Hobsbawm suffers from unembellished "massive reality denial" regarding integrity USSR,[39] and John Gray, even supposing praising his work on description nineteenth century, has described Hobsbawm's writings on the post-1914 term as "banal in the unusual.
They are also highly duplicitous. A vast silence surrounds significance realities of communism, a reject to engage which led position late Tony Judt to consummate that Hobsbawm had 'provincialised himself'. It is a damning judgement".[45]
In a 1994 interview on BBC television with Canadian academic Archangel Ignatieff, Hobsbawm said that integrity deaths of millions of Council citizens under Stalin would receive been worth it if capital genuinely communist society had bent the result.[3][46][47] Hobsbawm argued go off, "In a period in which, as you might imagine, reprieve murder and mass suffering utter absolutely universal, the chance noise a new world being dropped in great suffering would pull off have been worth backing" on the other hand, unfortunately, "the Soviet Union was not the beginning of rectitude World Revolution".[46][48] The following origin, when asked the same smidgen on BBC Radio 4's Desert Island Discs, if "the fatality of millions of lives" would have been worth the later communist society, he replied: "That's what we felt when amazement fought the Second World War".[5] He repeated what he abstruse already said to Ignatieff, considering that he asked the rhetorical systematically, "Do people now say phenomenon shouldn't have had World Enmity II, because more people on top form in World War II elude died in Stalin's terror?".[46]
Tony Judt was of the opinion dump Hobsbawm "clings to a harmful illusion of the late Enlightenment: that if one can submission a benevolent outcome it would be worth the human reward.
But one of the in case of emergency lessons of the 20th c is that it's not come together. For such a clear-headed novelist, he appears blind to nobleness sheer scale of the amount paid. I find it funereal, rather than disgraceful."[5] Neil Ascherson believes that, "Eric is fret a man for apologising defence feeling guilty.
He does compel to bad about the appalling wild clutter of lives in Soviet state socialism. But he refuses to give a positive response that he regrets anything. He's not that kind of person."[5] Hobsbawm himself, in his reminiscences annals, wrote that he desires "historical understanding ... not agreement, approval ebb tide sympathy".[49]
The 1930s aside, Hobsbawm was criticised for never relinquishing coronate Communist Party membership.
Whereas recurrent like Arthur Koestler left rectitude Party after seeing the isolate reception of Nazi foreign manage Joachim von Ribbentrop in Moscow during the years of magnanimity Molotov–Ribbentrop Pact (1939–1941), Hobsbawm homely firm even after the Country interventions of the Hungarian Insurrection of 1956 and the Prag Spring.[5][39] In his review accomplish Hobsbawm's 2002 memoirs, Interesting Times, Niall Ferguson wrote:
The put emphasis on of Communism is the abandonment of individual freedom, as Hobsbawm admits in a chilling passage: "The Party ...
had the regulate, or more precisely the exclusive real claim on our lives. Its demands had absolute precedency. We accepted its discipline reprove hierarchy. We accepted the irreconcilable obligation to follow 'the lines' it proposed to us, uniform when we disagreed with it ... We did what it seamless us to do ... Whatever top figure had ordered, we would accept obeyed ...
If the Party organized you to abandon your mistress or spouse, you did so."
Consider some of the "lines" our historian dutifully toed. Crystal-clear accepted the order to eco-friendly with the Nazis against loftiness Weimar-supporting Social Democrats in interpretation great Berlin transport strike tinge 1932. He accepted the in rank to side with the Nazis against Britain and France multitude the Ribbentrop–Molotov Pact of 1939.
He accepted the excommunication forget about Tito. He condoned the see to trials of men like László Rajk in Hungary.
Appoint 1954, just after Stalin's grip, he visited Moscow as subject of the honoured members model the Historians' Group of loftiness British Communist Party. He admits to having been dismayed considering that, two years later, Khrushchevdenounced Stalin's crimes at the Twentieth Hearing of the Soviet Communist Dinner party.
When Khrushchev himself ordered picture tanks into Budapest, Hungary, Hobsbawm finally spoke up, publishing unadorned letter of protest. But type did not leave the Party.[38]
Hobsbawm let his membership mistake not long before the party's dissolution in 1991.[5]
In his experiences, Hobsbawm wrote: "The dream comatose the October Revolution is quiet there somewhere inside me ...
Irrational have abandoned, nay, rejected expect, but it has not antique obliterated. To this day, Berserk notice myself treating the commemoration and tradition of the USSR with an indulgence and tenderness."[51] Reviewing the book, David Caute wrote: "One keeps asking spectacle Hobsbawm: didn't you know what Deutscher and Orwell knew?
Didn't you know about the elicited famine, the horrors of constitution, the false confessions, the horror within the Party, the whole forced labour of the gulag? As Orwell himself documented, far-out great deal of evidence was reliably knowable even before 1939, but Hobsbawm pleads that disproportionate of it was not honourably knowable until Khrushchev's denunciation bargain Stalin in 1956."[37]
Reviewing Hobsbawm's 2011 How to Change excellence World in The Wall Path Journal, Michael C.
Moynihan argued:
When the bloody history of Twentieth century communism intrudes upon Hobsbawm's disquisitions, it's quickly unemployed. Of the countries occupied coarse the Soviet Union after Terra War II—"the Second World War," sand says with characteristic slipperiness, "led communist parties to power" impossible to tell apart Eastern and Central Europe—he explains that a "possible critique persuade somebody to buy the new [postwar] socialist regimes does not concern us here." Why did communist regimes handwriting the characteristics of state fear, oppression and murder?
"To transmit this question is not branch out of the present chapter." In or with regard to the execrable pact between Oppressive Germany and Stalinist Russia, which shocked many former communist sympathizers into lives of anticommunism, Free. Hobsbawm dismisses the "zig-zags take precedence turns of Comintern and Country policy," specifically the "about-turn be successful 1939–41," which "need not check us here." In one hard to chew, Mr.
Hobsbawm's admirers are resolve about his erudition: He possesses an encyclopedic knowledge of Bolshevik thought, specifically Italian communism queue pre-Soviet socialist movements. But defer knowledge is wasted when educated to write untrustworthy history.[39]
Study the same book, Francis Wheen argued in a similar vein: "When writing about how justness anti-fascist campaigns of the Decennium brought new recruits to goodness communist cause, he cannot still bring himself to mention say publicly Hitler-Stalin pact, referring only hype 'temporary episodes such as 1939–41'.
The Soviet invasion of Magyarorszag and the crushing of high-mindedness Prague Spring are skipped over."[52] An alternative conservative assessment illustrate Hobsbawm came from Matthew Walther in National Review. While hefty of Hobsbawm for his commie sympathies and his purported views about Israel, Walther wrote walk "There is no denying culminate [Hobsbawm's] intelligence and erudition" with concluded that "if Hobsbawm practical read 50 or 100 era from now, it will undoubtedly be despite rather than by reason of of his politics."[53]
In 2008, greatness historian Tony Judt summed friendly Hobsbawm's career thus: "Eric Itemize.
Hobsbawm was a brilliant archivist in the great English custom of narrative history. On nonetheless he touched he wrote ostentatious better, had usually read unwarranted more, and had a broader and subtler understanding than crown more fashionable emulators. If inaccuracy had not been a for life Communist he would be renowned simply as one of leadership great historians of the Twentieth century".[3]
Personal life
One of Hobsbawm's pty, historian Donald Sassoon, wrote: "Hobsbawm was not a Jewish historian; he was an historian who happened to be Jewish".[54] Fillet first marriage was to Muriel Seaman in 1943.
They divorced in 1951.[3] His second extra was to Marlene Schwarz (in 1962), with whom he difficult to understand two children, Julia Hobsbawm take Andy Hobsbawm. He had button out-of-wedlock son, Joshua Bennathan, who was born in 1958[55] ahead died in November 2014.[3][56]
Death
Hobsbawm boring from complications of pneumonia opinion leukaemia at the Royal Cool Hospital in London on 1 October 2012, aged 95.[57] Wreath daughter, Julia, said: "He'd back number quietly fighting leukaemia for trim number of years without babel or fanfare.
Right up on hold the end he was carefulness up what he did suitably, he was keeping up adjust current affairs, there was precise stack of newspapers by diadem bed".[58]
Following Hobsbawm's death reactions star praise for his "sheer learned productivity and prowess" and "tough reasoning" in The Guardian.[59] Reacting to news of Hobsbawm's temporality, Ed Miliband called him "an extraordinary historian, a man excitable about his politics ...
He crawl history out of the chalky tower and into people's lives".[57]
He was cremated at Golders Junior Crematorium and his ashes were interred in Highgate Cemetery, upturn close to Karl Marx. Uncluttered memorial service for Hobsbawm was held at the New Institution in October 2013.[53]
Impact
Owing to dominion status as a widely announce and prominent Communist historian, bid the fact that his principles had influenced his work, Hobsbawm has been credited with wide Marxist thought around the globe.[1] His writings reached particular eminence in India and Brazil break off the 1960s and 1970s main a time of lively controversy about these countries' political paramount social future.[1] Emile Chabal, increase by two an essay for Aeon, wrote: "In the period from picture early 1960s to the equate '80s, Marxists in non-communist countries were increasingly able to enter in a transnational discussion live in the past and future win capitalism, and the most be likely agents of revolutionary change.
Hobsbawm played a starring role generate these discussions – and, on occasion, set the agenda."[1]
Partial publication list
A complete list of Eric Hobsbawm's publications, private papers and agitate unpublished material can be grow in the Eric Hobsbawm BibliographyArchived 22 December 2020 at honesty Wayback Machine.
| Book | Date | Publisher | ISBN | Notes | Cites |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Labour's Rotary Point: Extracts from Contemporary Sources | 1948 | Lawrence & Wishart | ISBN 0-901759-65-1 | ||
| Primitive Rebels: Studies sheep Archaic Forms of Social Movements in the 19th and Twentieth Centuries | 1959, 1963, 1971 | Manchester University Press | ISBN 0-7190-0493-4 | in the US: Social Bandits see Primitive Rebels, Free Press, 1960 | [60][61] |
| The Jazz Scene | 1959 | Weidenfeld & Nicolson | ISBN 0-297-79568-6 | as Francis Newton | [3] |
| The Age of Revolution: Continent 1789–1848 | 1962 | Abacus (UK) Vintage Books (U.S.) | ISBN 0-679-77253-7 | ||
| Labouring Men: studies in the history invoke labour | 1964 | Weidenfeld & Nicolson | ISBN 0-297-76402-0 | [61] | |
| Pre-Capitalist Economic Formations | 1965 | Lawrence & Wishart | ISBN 0-7178-0165-9 | editor; essays by Karl Marx | |
| Industry and Empire: From 1750 to the Present Day | 1968 | Pelican | ISBN 0-14-013749-1 | ||
| Bandits | 1969, 1981 | Weidenfeld & Nicolson, Pantheon Books | ISBN 0-394-74850-6 | ||
| Captain Swing | 1969 | Lawrence & Wishart | ISBN 0-85315-175-X | with George Rudé | |
| Revolutionaries: Contemporary Essays | 1973 | Weidenfeld & Nicolson | ISBN 0-297-76549-3 | ||
| The Age of Capital: 1848–1875 | 1975 | Weidenfeld & Nicolson | ISBN 0-297-76992-8 | [61] | |
| Italian Road to Socialism: An Interview by Eric Hobsbawm with Giorgio Napolitano | 1977 | Lawrence Hill humbling Co | ISBN 0-88208-082-2 | ||
| The History of Marxism: Socialism in Marx's day, Vol.
1 | 1982 | Harvester Press | ISBN 0-253-32812-8 | editor | |
| The Invention of Tradition | 1983 | Cambridge Routine Press | ISBN 0-521-43773-3 | editor, with Terence Ranger | [61] |
| Worlds be fooled by Labour: Further Studies in nobility History of Labour | 1984 | Weidenfeld & Nicolson | ISBN 0-297-78509-5 | in the US as Workers: Exceedingly of Labor, Pantheon Books, 1984 | [61] |
| The Age of Empire: 1875–1914 | 1987 | Weidenfeld & Nicolson (First Edition) | ISBN 0-521-43773-3 | [61] | |
| Politics for clever Rational Left: Political Writing, 1977–1988 | 1989 | Verso | ISBN 0-86091-958-7 | ||
| Echoes of the Marseillaise: Two Centuries Look Back on the Romance Revolution | 1990 | Verso | ISBN 0-86091-937-4 | ||
| Nations and Nationalism Since 1780: Programme, Myth, Reality | 1991 | Cambridge University Press | ISBN 0-521-43961-2 | [61] | |
| The Age of Extremes: The Consequently Twentieth Century, 1914–1991 | 1994 | Michael Joseph (UK) Vintage Books (U.S.) | ISBN 0-679-73005-2 | along with its several prequels: The Making of goodness Modern World, The Folio The public, London, 2005 | |
| Art and Power: Accumulation Under the Dictators exhibition catalogue[62] | 1995 | Hayward Gallery | ISBN 0-500-23719-0 | editor, with Dawn Ades, King Elliott, Boyd Whyte Iain alight Tim Benton | |
| On History | 1997 | Weidenfeld & Nicolson | ISBN 0-349-11050-6 | [61] | |
| 1968 Magnum Throughout the World | 1998 | Hazan | ISBN 2-85025-588-2 | editor, form a junction with Marc Weitzmann | |
| Behind the Times: Aggravate and Fall of the Twentieth-Century Avant-Gardes | 1998 | Thames and Hudson | ISBN 0-500-55031-X | ||
| Uncommon People: Grit, Rebellion and Jazz | 1998 | Weidenfeld & Nicolson | ISBN 0-297-81916-X | ||
| Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, The Communist Manifesto: A Modern Edition | 1998 | Verso | ISBN 1-85984-898-2 | editor | |
| The New Century: In Conversation clank Antonio Polito | 2000 | Little, Brown | ISBN 0-316-85429-8 | in the US: On the Edge of honesty New Century, The New Repress, 2001 | |
| Interesting Times: A Twentieth-Century life | 2002 | Allen Lane | ISBN 0-7139-9581-5 | autobiography | |
| Globalisation, Democracy and Terrorism | 2007 | Little, Brown | ISBN 0-316-02782-0 | a part of it in ethics US: On Empire: America, Conflict, and Global Supremacy, Pantheon, 2008 | |
| How to Change the World: Tales of Marx and Marxism | 2011 | Little, Brown | ISBN 1-4087-0287-8 | [63] | |
| Fractured Times: Culture and Society gratify the 20th Century | 2013 | Little, Brown | ISBN 14087-0428-5 | ||
| Viva shivering Revolucion: Hobsbawm on Latin America | 2016 | Little, Brown | ISBN 14087-0707-1 | Collected political and historical essays on the history of Italic America | |
| On Nationalism | 2021 | Little, Brown | ISBN 14087-1157-5 | Collected essays honorable mention Nationalism |